Juliet Capulet Essay Example For Students

STUDENT RESPONSE 3 Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Understudy RESPONSE 3 - Assignment Example Effective recuperation in monetary essentialness for neighborhood networks is known to synchronize nearby objectives to bigger market powers as it was before the calamity occurred. Monetary imperativeness carries with it chances to change organizations and have pre-debacle arranging. A debacle bewilders a network and disturbs its running. To keep up its progression and smooth recuperation, it is imperative to detail momentary techniques for endurance to deal with the emergency while long haul recuperation is arranged gradually (Haddow, Bullock, and Coppola, 2007). Presenting and actualizing crisis enactment is associated with emergency the executives as it assists with accomplishing an equalization in accomplishing manageability. In tropical storm Katrina for instance, the trucks that were postponed to give papers would not have been important if the individuals had appropriate information from pre occasion and post occasion arranging (Canton, 2007). After a calamity, there is strain to act quick and irately to come back to ordinary. This may bring about redevelopment forms being sought after absent a lot of thoughtfulness regarding the earth and social value (Claire, Saperstein, and Barbee, 1985). Assuming this is the case, the equivalent impractical circumstanc e that was the reason for the calamity will be reproduced. During emergency the executives, it is critical to exhibit long haul financial advantage and simultaneously bolster momentary exercises outfitted towards monetary improvement. Implantation of arrangements, projects, and enactment is a need to accomplish this equalization and to guarantee an all encompassing recuperation of the

The Ultimate Guide to Personal Finance

The Ultimate Guide to Personal Finance Creating the ultimate guide to personal finance is a lofty aspiration because there are so many aspects involved in the subject. While almost everyone can agree that having a healthy financial status is the sign of prosperity, few can agree on how to get there.This guide is designed to walk anyone with an income through the major components of personal finance. From budgets to savings to investments, this article will provide a brief guide to handling your own personal finances. Good news is that understanding personal finance can be greatly applied to startups as well. © Shutterstock.com | Farizun Amrod SaadIn this article, your will learn about personal finance options starting from 1) budgeting and 2) saving, and going to 3) investing, 4) retirement, and 5) debt.BUDGETINGBudgeting is one of the true keys to achieving healthy finances. A successful budget will allow you to spend and save your money without taking on an unnecessary or unhealthy debt. Budgeting is a fine art. It requires pragmatism, commitment and flexibility. There are three important facets of budgeting. The first is to create a realistic and flexible budget. The second facet requires that you commit to the budget. The third aspect requires you to evaluate the budget and its efficacy regularly.Create a realistic personal budgetIn order to begin to create a realistic budget, you need to clearly define your goals. These goals should be as concise as possible. For example, if you want to become a homeowner, you need be clear about the kind of home you want to buy, the amount of mone y you want to spend and when you want to purchase your home. Without these precise numbers, it is hard to both create and stick to a budget.You also need to identify your main source of income. For those on a simple salary, this can be relatively straightforward. However, if you have multiple sources of income like a salary, real estate income or investment income, things can become a bit more difficult. Despite this difficulty, it is important to nail down a realistic monthly and yearly income to the best of your ability.To understand where your money goes, you need to pay close attention to what you currently spend your money on. If you notice that you seem to be hemorrhaging money but cannot figure out why, you will need to do a sharp analysis of your finances. A great trick for this is to collect a receipt from every single purchase you make and evaluate them after a week. You may be surprised at how much money you spend on unnecessary items. After you have established where you r money currently goes, you can decide where you would like your money to go.Budgets should be created for both long-term goals and short-term goals. The long-term goal will help you achieve general financial health. The short-term goals are essential for helping ensure you remain fiscally flexible. Life is unpredictable and sometimes extra expenses must be taken care of. If you deviate from a short-term goal, you can still ensure that you have the flexibility you need to stay on track for the long-term budget.Stick to the budgetOnce you have set up a realistic budget, it is important to stick to it. It is important not to deviate from the established budget unless it is urgent. Necessary car repairs, hospital bills and other emergencies are examples of times when it is appropriate to deviate from the plan. Flash airline sales are an inappropriate excuse to spend extra money. If you know you are an impulse buyer, you may want to consider allocating yourself space in the budget for t hese purchases.Revaluate your budget regularlyAny plan you make should be evaluated regularly. More often than not, you will find ways that you can improve the budget while still accommodating your expenses. In matters of personal finance, there is always room for improvement.SAVINGThe jury is still out regarding the amount of money you should save annually. Some specialists suggest that you save 10% of your monthly income while others suggest that you save 20-30% of this money. It is good to establish the set amount of money that you would like to save each month. However, it is important that number is feasible for your personal finances. If you are new to saving, a good rule of thumb is to save what you can in order to establish good saving habits.Define short-, mid- and long-term goal(s) to start saving forAny and all financial considerations will require you to set concrete goals. Saving requires a different set of goals than budgeting. You will need to set short-, mid- and lon g-term goals. A short-term goal might include a new mobile phone or articles of clothing. Mid-term goals will include items that are considered luxury items that you would like to purchase in the near future. Examples of a mid-term goal would include vacations, expensive electronics or new furniture. A long-term savings goal will often be a huge sum of money that can only be truly achieved with compounded interest or investments. These goals may include retirement funds and children’s education funds.Choose a type of savings accountRegular Savings AccountA basic savings account is a very easy saving option. They are available at most banks. Many do not require fees or a minimum deposit. However, these accounts offer very little return. This is a great account to use if you are saving for a short-term goal. It is also a good option if you are putting money away for an emergency and want to be able to access it quickly.Certificate of DepositIf you are happy to save for a mid-term or long-term goal, you may want to consider a Certificate of Deposit or a CD. A CD is another product offered by many banks and credit unions. They are easy to use and they come with very little risk. Unlike a regular savings account, you will not be able to access your money without paying a penalty. This keeps savings safe for a few years. There are several types of CDs. The three listed here are some of the most common ones.A traditional CD is one of the most common types of CD. You are awarded an account with a fixed interest rate for a certain term. When the time is up, you may either withdraw the money or move it into another account.A callable CD often offers higher interest rates than other accounts. It is known as a callable CD because the bank is able to recall it after an agreed amount of time. They then return your deposit plus any interest. Banks like these accounts because it means they can back out of high interest accounts should interest rates take a tumble.A global C D is tied to global currency rates. Depending on the stability of the world economy, this is a great option. However, if you are considering a CD during a period when the European currency is feared to be collapsing, you may want to consider a different option.Money Market AccountA money market account is a savings option that offers a higher interest rate than traditional savings accounts. These accounts limit your access to the money. However, they often require a higher starting balance than other accounts. You can set up a money market account at most banks.Online Savings AccountAn online savings account is a great option for those familiar with Internet banking. Because online banks do not have the same overhead costs as traditional banks, they are often able to offer higher interest rates.Interest matters but what is it?Interest is a fee that is assessed when money is borrowed. You can either pay interest or you can earn interest. In the case of savings accounts, the bank is borrowing your money to make investments. Because of this, they are entitled to pay you interest.Compound interest is the magic key to making a savings account work. It is essential to get a great rate and continue to add savings to the account over time to take advantage of interest. You also want to find a rate that is compounded often. If the interest is compounded weekly, you will make more money than if it is compounded annually.High interest accounts almost always require a maintenance fee. It is important that you are saving enough money and earning enough interest to cover the maintenance fee and still profit.INVESTINGInvestments have become an uncomfortable concept since the 2008 market crash. The crash was followed by Hollywood blockbusters about 1980s Wall Street and the result was that investing felt more out of reach than ever. While investments are not a simple concept, they are not as difficult as they may seem. Investments are a great way to build your savings portfo lio. You can make safe investments for reasonable returns or you can take part in riskier investments in hopes of striking gold. There are several types of investments and the amount of risk you take is up to you.BondsBonds are a loan. When you purchase a bond, you are loaning your money to a bank, a government or a company. In return, the borrower repays you the principle sum and interest payments. Bonds are great for those who want a safe investmentThere are a variety of bonds available on the market. Many of them are government bonds issued by the federal government or the treasury. You can also purchase savings bonds, agency bonds, municipal bonds and corporate bonds. Each bond offers different risks and different benefits.A bond’s duration is the measurement used to describe how sensitive the bond is to fluctuating interest rates.Talking about a coupon is just another way to talk about the interest rate that the bond pays.StocksWhen you purchase a company’s stock, you are p urchasing partial ownership in the company. The goal of purchasing stocks is to see the value of the investment rise as the company’s share price rises. Capital growth, dividends and interest are the primary reasons people invest in stocks.Unless you have a large amount of capital and a wealth of experience in the market, you will need a stock broker to buy and sell your stocks. You will automatically pay that broker a commission. The commission rate will vary depending upon the individual brokerage firm.Mutual FundsA mutual fund is an account that brings together the assets of several investors and then invests that money on their behalf. The company that issues the fund will then manage the investment on behalf of the account holders. The goal of these funds is to allow people to make investments without having to make individual purchases and trades.A mutual fund allows people to participate in the stock market even if they only have $1,000 to invest.Like any investment, mutual funds have costs associated with them. Because the account is managed, investors will pay a fee to the organization that issued the account. You may also be required to pay a 2% redemption fee.Investing with robo-advisorsA robo-advisor is a new type of investment service that aims to make investing easy and inexpensive. Usually, you will set up an account and deposit money. You will suggest the kind of investments you would like to make and computer software manages your money for you.It is important to shop around for robo-advisors. Each company will offer different services and these services will be associated with different costs.The advantage of a robo-advisor is that it is easy to use and can be continuously monitored. The option also allows you to invest as much or as little money as you like.RETIREMENTRetirement planning is often not given its fair share of attention by those under 40 years old. Retirement may seem far away but it is never too early to begin saving. Even if you can only contribute small amounts to retirement plans, you will soon reap the benefits of compound interest.401(k): A 401(k) is a retirement plan that is often sponsored by employers. A great employer will offer matching contributions to the 401(k). There are several benefits to this type of retirement account. It is a great way to save for retirement automatically and it also includes several tax incentives. You can withdraw money from this plan but you will pay significant penalties.IRA: An IRA is an individual retirement account. These accounts offer tax incentives like tax deferment. You have a wide choice of IRAs depending on your employment situation. You can choose to open a Traditional IRA or a Roth IRA. If you are self-employed, you can choose a SEP IRA. You can set up an IRA account through a bank, a brokerage firm or even a robo-investor.DEBTDebt is a scary word for many people. However, having the right debt can be healthy and good for your credit. The key to managi ng debt is to only take on necessary debts like mortgages and student loans. When paying debt back, you should work to prioritize debt. You should always pay back high interest debt immediately.Mortgage: As long as you have taken out a mortgage that is appropriate to your level of income, a mortgage is a healthy debt to have. You can choose to pay off your mortgage early to avoid extra interest and gain financial freedom. You can also choose to pay it over the agreed term and take advantage of tax benefits. How you tackle your mortgage should be in line with your personal financial goals.Credit Card Debt: If you have significant credit card debt with high interest rates, you may want to consider consolidating your debt through a bank. When you do this, you can pay off your debt sooner and at a lower interest rate. It is better to make larger payments than to pay more money over a longer period of time.Student Loans: Student loans can be crippling for young people regardless of their income. The best way to deal with student loans is to begin making small payments on them early. This will cut down the massive amount of interest that is leveraged to them. It is also important to work with the lender to ensure you are making a fair payment on the loan.CONCLUSIONCreating a healthy relationship with money takes dedication, consistency and work. Most importantly, it takes a lot of flexibility. You may have to be flexible about the things that you think you need as well as your goals. Ultimately, you have to be realistic about the amount of money you earn and the amount of money you can spend. When you are realistic and flexible, you can create a financial plan that will help you live your life to the fullest during your working years and in retirement.

The Diverse Forms Of Slave Resistance And Rebellion

Title: The main purpose of this research is to enumerate the diverse forms of slave resistance and rebellion, also with those specific methods of each of it .Slavery society was a unique society existed in the United States of America in the 18th and 19th centuries, a dark period full of exploitation, rudeness and oppression. By analyzing, comparing and concluding both of the efficiency and affluence of various anti-slavery attempts carried out by the enslaved. The ambition, perseverance as well as the eager for liberty and human rights would be the best inspiration. Table of Contents Introduction Page 3 Everyday Resistance Pages 3-4 Slave Escape Pages 4-5 Slave Rebellion†¦show more content†¦[1] (wikipedia.org) Slaves in the slavery society could be treated as personal property and be sold or bought as commodity, besides slaves could be deprived of rights and interests randomly by the slaveholder. Endurance of overloaded work and poor treatment seemed like endless alongside with maltreat and punishment, forced the indignant slaves to revolt against both the master and the unjust institution, whether there would be brutal repression. During the vigorous slavery abolition, the continuous strike of numerous slaves’ resistance and rebellion had been indispensable and irreplaceable. Everyday resistance Everyday resistance was the most common way of tiny acts to disobey the orders. This form of resistance included sabotage, feigning illness, playing dumb, or slow down work. [2] (afroamhistory.about.com) Slaves would try to break the constructions or tools or damage the crops covertly and once their behavior was exposed, harsh punishment was unavoidable. Although indirect re venges these were, they relieved their indignation by the destruction to the property and its owner. Overburden work with bad diets had tired the enslaved out, hence they played tricks of pretending to be sick or hurt. Cruel masters would hardly pity the â€Å"sick slaves† and usually force them to continue to work. However there was an exception, female slaves feigned illness and sometimes could muddle through not for their vulnerability but

Globalization Western Imperialism by Another Name Essay

In our modern society the distance between individual nations is becoming smaller and gradually less important. As international trade and investment grow, the economies of these nations are becoming more integrated. This phenomenon has been labelled as globalisation. On the surface, globalisation seems like the most favourable path for the evolution of society, yet it can be argued that eventually the economy will be controlled by a few major organisations, remaining more powerful than any government or the vote of general public. However this has been the situation for many indigenous people across the world from as far back as the 13th century. Throughout history dominant nations have†¦show more content†¦In order to make these profits as high as they can be, globalisation focuses on paying labourers as little as possible. The similarity here is that imperialism is strongly linked to slavery, from the British Empire’s rule over the Irish, to the Nazi employment of slave labour in concentration camps and one can say that globalisation has also enslaved millions by enforcing long hours for little pay in developing countries which do not have any workers’ rights. Imperialist nations saw an undeveloped country as, â€Å"n ot only a source of raw materials and slaves but a market for manufactured goods.† I feel that those striving for globalisation see developing countries in a similar way. There are also differences between globalisation and imperialism, such as the obvious fact that globalisation allows for an exchange to be made between nations, rather than the one-way oppression of imperialism. In fact, globalisation has been proven to be shrinking the gap between rich and poor in parts of Asia and South America, bringing three billion people out of poverty over the past fifty years through trading measures such as reducing tariff barriers. But do the indigenous peoples of these developing countries have a say in how their lives are shaped by the technological and economical advancements of the more developed societies? WellShow MoreRelatedThe Cartoonist : A Cartoon From Gibbleguts.com1402 Words   |  6 Pagespeople who protest globalization. In the cartoon, a man is standing and holding a sign that declares, â€Å"STOP GLOBALIZATION NOW!† This man has arrows and words around him indicating where his material possessions were made; his glasses from Singa pore, his shirt in China, his shoes in Indonesia, and so on. In addition to being dressed in an outfit that does not look like something that would be worn on a regular basis, the man is also being mocked for the stance he takes on globalization. He protests theRead MoreNegatives Of Globalization1423 Words   |  6 PagesGlobalization plays a defining role in the expansion of society, both politically and economically. While globalization encompasses many different sectors of daily life, the negative implications of the practice, such as exploitation of workers, damage to the environment of the host country and cultural deterioration outweigh any rewards earned through the process. The entrance of Western corporations into Eastern countries may seem to benefit both the host country and the corporation itself, howeverRead MoreBy Outlining the Current Global Political Economy, Discuss to What Extent the Current Global Political Economy Undermines National Development in the South.4509 Words   |  19 PagesTABLE OF CONTENT EXPLANATION AND DEFINITION OF TERMS 03 INTRODUCTION 04 HISTORICAL CONTEXT OF GLOBALIZATION 05 †¢ THE CURRENT GLOBAL POLITICAL ECONOMY 06 IMPACT OF GLOBALIZATION ON THE NATIONAL DEVELOPEMENT IN THE SOUTH 07 †¢ IMPERIALISM AND GLOBALIZATION 08 †¢ SOCIAL AND CULTURAL IMPACT 07 †¢ POLITICAL AND ECONOMICAL IMPACT 07 CONCLUSION 09 BIBLIOGRAPHY 10 EXPLANATION ANDRead MoreCOM3705 PORTFOLIO5312 Words   |  22 Pagesof referencing techniques. I have read and understood the Tutorial Letter CMNALLE/301 regarding technical and presentation requirements, referencing techniques and plagiarism. STUDENT SIGNATURE OR NAME: Leslie Eric Nunu STUDENT NUMBER: 49676288 DATE: 28 / 01 / 2015 WITNESS SIGNATURE OR NAME: Maxine Bianca Nunu TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION (3) 1. WHAT IS AN INFORMATION SOCIETY? (4) 2. WRITE A PARAGRAPH IN WHICH YOU ARGUE OR ADVOCATE FOR OR AGAINSTRead MoreHaitian Revolution : The Revolution1199 Words   |  5 Pagesand it was the only successful slave revolt. Industrial Revolution: During the Industrial Revolution, rural societies in Europe and America became industrial and urban. It occurred from the 18th to the 19th century. The Industrial Revolution is a name given to a movement that machines changed people’s way of life as well as their methods. Around the American Revolution, the people of England started use machines to make their products and to help run other machines. The Industrial Revolution tookRead MoreGlobalization Is A Process Of Interaction And Integration Among The People, Companies, And Governments Of Countries1983 Words   |  8 PagesGlobalization is a process of interaction and integration among the people, companies, and governments of different nations. It is a process driven by international trade and investment and aided by information technology. Globalisation effects the environment, the culture, the political systems and the economic development and prosperity of nations. Eurocentrism is just one branch of an ethnocentric ideology. William Sumner defined ethnocentrism as the viewpoint that one’s own group is the centreRead MoreDifferences Between 16th and 19th Century Imperialism1896 Words   |  8 PagesThe Differences Between 16th and 19th Century Imperialism and their Effects on the World Today. Name: Mr. Big Student #: C10539956 Course: INS 201 Professor: Dr. Ventricle 1. What is ‘imperialism’? How did 19th-century colonialism, empire building, high imperialism differ from those of earlier times: in particular from the colonialism of early- modern mercantilism (16th to18th centuries)? ------------------------------------------------- ------------------------------------------------- -------------------------------------------------Read MoreHow will History Judge the Events of September 11, 2001?1880 Words   |  7 Pageshistory judge the events of September 11, 2001 as acts of unwarranted terrorism, or as the retaliatory acts of Islamic patriots and freedom fighters? There has been much speculation as to the root cause of 9/11. Most Americans, and indeed much of the Western World view that these were unwarranted acts of outright terrorism that justified the â€Å"War on Terror† in response. However, to many in the rest of the world, especially those living in predominantly Muslim countries, the events leading up to and includingRead MoreThe Impact Of Globalisation From A Globalist Perspective1616 Words   |  7 PagesGlobalisation Module :FC005 ASSIGNMENT TITLE: Globalisation Assignment type: Essay Tutor name: Lucia Cervi Student T-number: 50829 Word count: 1452 Introduction: This essay will be focusing on the impact of globalisation from a globalist perspectiveRead MorePepsico Inc. And Its Research Project1917 Words   |  8 Pagesthere and that is shown through their accomplishment from 1990 – 1999. Two drinks that is popular was introduce in this time frame one of which was a tea base drink and that was a corporations between Pepsi-Cola and Unilever. The second drink is from another well-known brand, Starbucks, which is a North American Coffee Partnership from PepsiCo Inc. with Starbucks. They also created the Aquafina, which is well known everywhere today. With all the products they produce we cannot forget about what PepsiCo

Compare and Contrast Between Egypt and China Free Essays

string(36) " lexical and phonological learning\." Clinical Forum The Lexicon and Phonology: Interactions in Language Acquisition Holly L. Storkel1 Michele L. Morrisette Indiana University, Bloomington 24 LANGUAGE, SPEECH, AND HEARING SERVICES IN SCHOOLS †¢ Vol. We will write a custom essay sample on Compare and Contrast Between Egypt and China or any similar topic only for you Order Now 33 †¢ 24–37 †¢ January 2002  © American Speech-Language-Hearing Association 0161–1461/02/3301–0024 ABSTRACT: The purpose of this paper is to underscore the importance of the link between lexical and phonological acquisition by considering learning by children beyond the 50-word stage and by applying cognitive models of spoken word processing to development. Lexical and phonological variables that have been shown o influence perception and production across the lifespan are considered relative to their potential role in learning by preschool children. The effect of these lexical and phonological variables on perception, production, and learning are discussed in the context of a two-representation connectionist model of spoken word processing. The model appears to offer insights into the complex interaction between the lexicon and phonology and may be useful for clinical diagnosis and treatment of children with language delays. KEY WORDS: language deve lopment, lexicon, phonology, neighborhood density, phonotactic probability LSHSS To acquire the native language, a child must do two things: Learn the words of the language and extract the relevant phonological characteristics of those words. For the most part, the acquisition of words and sounds has been investigated independently. That is, some lines of investigation concentrate exclusively on how the words of the language are acquired (e. g. , Carey Bartlett, 1978; Dollaghan, 1985; Heibeck Markman, 1987; Jusczyk Aslin, 1995; Rice Woodsmall, 1988), whereas other lines of research examine how the sounds of the language emerge (e. g. , Dinnsen, Chin, Elbert, Powell, 1990; Dyson, 1988; Smit, Hand, Freilinger, Bernthal, Bird, 1990; Stoel-Gammon, 1985). The mutual influence of lexical and phonological development is an area that has received only limited attention. The few descriptive and experimental studies that have addressed this issue, however, provide preliminary evidence for an interaction between lexical and phonological development. Descriptive studies primarily have examined the relationship between the phonological characteristics of babble and first words. Studies of typically developing children have shown that first words are phonologically similar to babble (e. . , Oller, Wieman, Doyle, Ross, 1976; Stoel-Gammon Cooper, 1984; Vihman, Ferguson, Elbert, 1986; Vihman, Macken, Miller, Simmons, Miller, 1985). For example, the distribution of consonants and the syllable structure of first words are identical to that of babble (Vihman et al. , 1985). This association between lexical and phonological development is observed in ch ildren with precocious language development as well as in children with delayed language development (Paul Jennings, 1992; Stoel-Gammon Dale, 1988; Thal, Oroz, McCaw, 1995; Whitehurst, Smith, Fischel, Arnold, Lonigan, 991). In particular, children who know many words tend to produce a greater variety of sounds and sound combinations, whereas children who know few words tend to produce a limited variety of sounds and sound combinations. There appears to be a potentially robust relationship between the phonological characteristics of first words and babble. This is suggestive of an intimate connection between word learning and productive phonology. In addition to descriptive evidence, experimental studies provide further support for the hypothesis that lexical and phonological development influence one another. For xample, one study of young children with expressive language delay demonstrated that treatment focused on 1 Currently affiliated with the University of Kansas. Storkel †¢ Morrisette: The Lexicon and Phonology 25 increasing a child’s expressive vocabulary led to subsequent improvements in phonological diversity (Girolametto, Pearce, Weitzman, 1997; but see Whitehurst, Fischel et al. , 1991). This finding suggests that the breadth of a child’s lexical knowledge may influence phonological acquisition. An expansion of vocabulary in this case went hand in hand with an expansion of the sound system. In complement, there is experimental evidence that phonological characteristics may influence lexical acquisition. In particular, infants have been shown to produce novel words composed of sounds that are in their phonetic inventory more frequently than other novel words composed of sounds that are out of their phonetic inventory (Leonard, Schwartz, Morris, Chapman, 1981; Schwartz Leonard, 1982). Here, the child’s phonetic inventory influenced the acquisition of new words. Taken together, descriptive and experimental evidence suggests that phonological development and word learning utually influence one another, but one limitation of this work is its emphasis on infants who produce fewer than 50 words (but see Shillcock Westermann, 1998; Stoel- Gammon, 1998). This is relevant because a rapid increase in rate of word learning has been noted as children cross the 50-word threshold, leading some researchers to posit a fundamental change in the word learning process (Behrend, 1 990; Bloom, 1973; Dore, 1978; Gopnik Meltzoff, 1986; Mervis Bertrand, 1994). Also at this point, it is hypothesized that children transition from a holistic to an analytic phonological system, which may demarcate a fundamental hange in phonological learning (Ferguson Farwell, 1975; Vihman, Velleman, McCune, 1994). The purpose of this paper is to examine this link between lexical and phonological development by considering the acquisition process beyond the 50-word stage and by applying a cognitive model of spoken word perception and production to this issue. In particular, lexical and phonological variables that have been shown to influence perception and production across the lifespan will be considered relative to their potential influence on learning by preschool children. Furthermore, a model that has been sed to explain spoken word processing in the fully developed system of adults is used to provide a framework for understanding the interaction between the lexicon and phon ology in development. The term spoken word processing refers collectively to the act of perceiving and producing words in spoken language. The paper is organized to first provide background to the lexical variables of word frequency and neighborhood density and the phonological variable of phonotactic probability. A two-representation model of spoken word processing is introduced. This model depicts two types of mental representations, words versus sounds, providing a eans of understanding the interaction between these two different representations. The model is then applied to spoken word processing in the developing system of children and to lexical and phonological learning. You read "Compare and Contrast Between Egypt and China" in category "Papers" Finally, the interaction between the lexicon and phonology will be reconsidered by examining the role of lexical variables in sound learning and phonological variables in word learning by preschool children who have surpassed the 50- word stage. A discussion of the implications of these lexical and phonological variables for clinical diagnosis and treatment will conclude the article. BACKGROUND TO LEXICAL AND PHONOLOGICAL VARIABLES Two lexical characteristics that have emerged as relevant predictors of spoken word processing are word frequency and neighborhood density. Word frequency is the number of times a word occurs in the language. For example, sit is an infrequent word occurring only 67 times in a written sample of 1 million words. In contrast, these is a frequent word occurring 1,573 times in a written sample of 1 million words (KucUera Francis, 1967). 2 Turning to neighborhood density, words presumably are organized into similarity neighborhoods in the mental lexicon based on phonological similarity. In particular, it is assumed that a similarity neighborhood includes all of the words differing from a given word by a one phoneme substitution, deletion, or addition (Luce Pisoni, 1998). For example, neighbors of sit include words such as sip, sat, hit, it, and spit and neighbors of these include words such as those, tease, and ease. The number of neighbors defined in this way is the word’s neighborhood density. In total, sit has 36 neighbors and these has 9 neighbors (Nusbaum, Pisoni, Davis, 1984). Thus, sit is said to reside in a dense neighborhood because it has many neighbors, whereas these is said to eside in a sparse neighborhood because it has relatively few neighbors. A phonological characteristic that appears influential in spoken word processing is phonotactic probability. One observation that has emerged from studies of language structure is that certain sound patterns are more likely to occur than others. This likelihood of sound occurrence is termed phonotactic probability. Phonotactic probability generally is determined by counting the words in the language that contain a particular sound or sound pattern as well as the number of times those words occur (see Jusczyk, Luce, Charles-Luce, 1994; Luce, Goldinger, Auer, Vitevitch, 2000; Storkel, 2001; Storkel Rogers, 2000; Vitevitch Luce, 1998, 1999). To illustrate, the sound pattern of sit is a common sound sequence in English. The individual sounds (/s/, /I/, /t/) frequently occur in their given word positions in many frequent words of the language. For example, word-initial /s/ occurs in the words seat, safe, said, sat, sun, surge, soon, soot, soap, song, sock, south, soil, and size, as well as in many other words of the language. In addition, the adjacent sounds in sit (/sI/, /It/) frequently occur together in many frequent lexical items. The sound combination /sI/ is found in the words sing, sip, sick, sin, and sill, as well as in other English words. In contrast, the sound pattern of these is a rare sound sequence, having individual sounds (/D/, /i/, /z/) 2Word frequency counts are available from a variety of sources including adult written (e. g. , KucUera Francis, 1967), adult spoken (e. g. , Brown, 1984), child written (e. g. , Rinsland, 1945), and child spoken (e. g. , Kolson, 1960) databases. 26 LANGUAGE, SPEECH, AND HEARING SERVICES IN SCHOOLS †¢ Vol. 33 †¢ 24–37 †¢ January 2002 and sound combinations (/Di/, /iz/) that occur in relatively few words of the language. In fact, word initial /D/ is found only in the words this, them, then, thus, their, those, that, and their, and the sound combination /Di/ is not contained in any other words of the language. MODEL OF WORD PROCESSING The lexical variables of word frequency and neighborhood density and the phonological variable of phonotactic probability reportedly influence adults’ perception and production. This influence may be accounted for by a tworepresentation model of word processing (e. g. , Gupta MacWhinney, 1997; Luce et al. , 2000). 3 This model may potentially provide insights into the complex interaction etween the lexicon and phonology in development, but the characteristics of the model and its success in capturing spoken word processing by adults will first be considered. An illustration of this model is given in Figure 1 for the word sit and in Figure 2 for the word these. The two types of representations in the model are lexical and phonological. The lexical representation c orresponds to a word as a whole unit. In Figures 1 and 2, the lexical representation for the word sit, /sIt/, and these, /Diz/, is denoted by rectangles. In contrast, the phonological representation corresponds to the individual sounds or sound sequences. In Figures 1 and 2, the phonological representations for the words sit, /s/, /I/, and /t/, and these, /D/, /i/, and /z/, are illustrated by the open circles. The structure of the lexical representation may influence perception and production by adults. Likewise, the characteristics of the phonological representation may play a role in adult spoken word processing. Interactions between lexical and phonological representations may also occur in adult word recognition and production. Each of these issues will be considered in turn. Lexical Representations This two-representation model is a connectionist model. One feature of a connectionist model is that representations can be activated. That is, hearing or thinking about a word provides external activation to a lexical representation. For a word to be recognized or produced, the activation of its representation must reach a set activation threshold. An activation threshold refers to the amount of activation that must accumulate in order for the representation to become available to consciousness. It is at this point that the listener recognizes the word or that the speaker selects the word to be produced. Representations can differ from one another in their resting threshold. The resting threshold efers to the initial level of activation of a representation before further external activation is accrued either by hearing the word or by thinking of the word. Past experience with the language has been proposed to alter the resting threshold of lexical representations. Specifically, when a lexical representation is frequently activated for re cognition or production, the resting threshold supposedly increases. This provides a mechanism for learning the characteristics of the language, namely word frequency. Thus, words that are frequently recognized or produced presumably will have a higher resting threshold than words hat are infrequently recognized or produced. In Figures 1 and 2, resting threshold is depicted by the thickness of the rectangles. Heavier rectangles represent higher resting thresholds; lighter rectangles represent lower resting thresholds. The lexical representation of the frequent word /Diz/ in Figure 2 has a darker rectangle indicating a higher resting threshold than the lexical representation of the infrequent word /sIt/ in Figure 1. The implication of this difference in resting threshold for perception or production 3Note that the two-representation model we describe is a simplified and generic version of those described by Luce et al. 2000 and Gupta MacWhinney, 1997. The interested reader is referr ed to the original manuscripts for complete details of the full models. Also, we consider the ability of this model to account for both perception and production, although the original models focus primarily on one aspect of spoken word processing. Figure 1. Illustration of a two-representation connectionist model of word processing for the word sit. Lexical representations are illustrated with rectangles. The thickness of the rectangle indicates the resting threshold as determined by word frequency (e. g. , sit is infrequent). Inhibitory connections between words are indicated by lines terminating in circles. The number of connections between words illustrates neighborhood density (e. g. , the neighborhood of sit is dense). Phonological representations are illustrated with circles. The thickness of the circle indicates the resting threshold based on phonotactic probability (e. g. , /s/, /I/, and /t/ are common). Facilitory connections between sounds are indicated by lines terminating in arrows. The thickness of the connecting line indicates the strength of the relationship based on phonotactic probability (e. g. /sI/ and /It/ are common). Storkel †¢ Morrisette: The Lexicon and Phonology 27 is that words with higher resting thresholds (i. e. , frequent words) are already more activated at rest than are words with lower resting thresholds (i. e. , infrequent words). As a result, these frequent words should require less external activation than infrequent words to reach the activation threshold for recog nition or production and, thus, recognition or production should be facilitated. In fact, studies of spoken word recognition and production with adults support this claim. Adults recognize frequent words more rapidly nd more accurately than infrequent words (Landauer Streeter, 1973; Luce Pisoni, 1998) and produce frequent words faster and more accurately than infrequent words (Dell, 1990; Dell Reich, 1981; Huttenlocher Kubicek, 1983; Oldfield Wingfield, 1965; Stemberger MacWhinney, 1986; Vitevitch, 1997). This influence of experience on resting thresholds also allows for the possibility of individual differences across speakers because the exact resting threshold of a given word may vary from speaker to speaker based on a particular speaker’s unique language experience. Another feature of this two-representation connectionist model is that relationships among words are represented by connections. Connections between words are illustrated by lines in Figures 1 and 2. These connections are important because they allow activation to spread between related words, damping or amplifying the related lexical representation’s activation. In this way, related lexical representations can influence the activation of the target lexical representation. The presence of two antagonistic processes, damping versus amplifying, are important in capturing decrements in performance and improvements in erformance, respectively. Damping activation is depicted in the model by inhibitory connections; amplifying activation is depicted by facilitory connections. An inhibitory connection damps the activation of the connected representation, thereby impeding that representation from reaching the activation threshold for recognition or production. In this case, recognition or production of the word would be slower or less accurate. In contrast, a facilitory connection amplifies the activation of the connected representation, thereby helping that representation reach the activation threshold for recognition or production. In this case, recognition or production of the word would be faster or more accurate. In Figures 1 and 2, inhibitory connections are depicted by lines terminating in filled circles and facilitory connections are depicted by lines terminating in arrows. Neighborhood membership is depicted by inhibitory connections between related lexical representations. For example, the lexical representation /sIt/ in Figure 1 has inhibitory connections to the lexical representations of all of its neighbors, such as /sut/, /pIt/, and /nIt/. Likewise, the lexical representation /Diz/ in Figure 2 has inhibitory onnections to its neighbors, such as /DoUz/, and /tiz/. Note that not all of the neighbors of sit and these are displayed in Figures 1 and 2 due to space limitations. For example, spit is omitted as a neighbor of sit. The strength of these connections are also based on the degree of association between words. Thus, words that are more similar to one another will spread more activation between ea ch other. In Figures 1 and 2, the strength of a connection is depicted by the thickness of the line. Heavier lines indicate stronger associations than lighter lines. Note that connections between lexical representations are all imilar in strength, as indicated by the uniform thickness of the lines. In Figure 1, the lexical representation /sIt/ has equally strong connections to /sut/, /pIt/, and /nIt/, as well as to all of its other neighbors. Similarly, in Figure 2, the lexical representation /Diz/ has equally strong connections to /DoUz/, /tiz/, and all of its neighbors. Thus, all neighbors of a word are considered equally related to the word. The importance of this architecture for perception and production is that the number of neighbors determines the degree of activation damping for the target word. A word like sit, which resides in a dense neighborhood, will eceive inhibition from many more words than a word like these, which resides in a sparse neighborhood. This leads to gre ater damping of activation for sit relative to these. As a result, a word from a dense neighborhood will be impeded in reaching the activation threshold for recognition or production. This claim is once again supported by data Figure 2. Illustration of a two-representation connectionist model of word processing for the word these. Lexical representations are illustrated with rectangles. The thickness of the rectangle indicates the resting threshold as determined by word frequency (e. g. these is frequent). Inhibitory connections between words are indicated by lines terminating in circles. The number of connections between words illustrates neighborhood density (e. g. , the neighborhood of these is sparse). Phonological representations are illustrated with circles. The thickness of the circle indicates the resting threshold based on phonotactic probability (e. g. , /D/, /i/, and /z/ are rare). Facilitory connections between sounds are indicated by lines terminating in arrows. The thi ckness of the connecting line indicates the strength of the relationship based on phonotactic probability (e. . , /Di/ and /iz/ are rare). 28 LANGUAGE, SPEECH, AND HEARING SERVICES IN SCHOOLS †¢ Vol. 33 †¢ 24–37 †¢ January 2002 from studies of word processing in adults. Adults recognize words from dense neighborhoods more slowly and less accurately than they do words from sparse neighborhoods (Luce Pisoni, 1998; Luce, Pisoni, Goldinger, 1990). Likewise, word pairs from dense neighborhoods are produced more slowly than are word pairs from sparse neighborhoods (Goldinger Summers, 1989, but see Vitevitch, 2001a). 4 Phonological Representations The second type of representation in the model is the honological representation. It has been proposed that two aspects of the phonological representation are affected by phonotactic probability—resting threshold and connection strength. Considering resting threshold, recall that language experience alters resting threshold. As a result, sounds that are commonly encountered in recognition or production will likely have higher resting thresholds than those that are encountered rarely. In Figure 1, the phonological representation /s/, /I/, and /t/, has dark circles, indicating a higher resting threshold because these sounds commonly occur in the language. In contrast, in Figure 2, the phonological representation /D/, /i/, and /z/,5 has light circles, indicating a lower resting threshold because these sounds rarely occur. This difference in resting threshold indicates that common sounds are more activated at rest than are rare sounds. Consequently, common sounds should reach the activation threshold for recognition or production more rapidly than should rare sounds. Turning to connection strength, each sound has a facilitory connection to sounds that it may co-occur with, and the strength of these connections may be altered by language experience. When sounds are commonly encountered ogether in word processing, it is thought that the connection between the two sounds is strengthened. In this way, the model captures how an adult or child would learn the phonotactic probability of the language through experience. In Figure 1, the phonological representation /s/ has a strong facilitory connection to that of /I/ because these sounds common ly occur together in words of the language. In contrast, in Figure 2, the phonological representation of /I/ has a weak facilitory connection to that of /i/, because these rarely occur together. Because the strength of the facilitory connection determines how much ctivation will spread to the related sound, sound sequences with strong facilitory connections, namely common sound sequences, should reach the activation threshold for recognition or production more rapidly than should sound sequences with weak facilitory connections, namely, rare sound sequences. The influence of phonotactic probability on resting threshold and connection strength leads to the prediction that common sound sequences should be recognized or produced more rapidly than rare sound sequences. Support for this hypothesis is found in studies of spoken word processing by adults. In fact, adults recognize common ound sequences more rapidly than they do rare sound sequences (Vitevitch Luce, 1998, 1999; Vitevitch, Luce, Charles-Luce, Kemmerer, 1997). A similar pattern is observed in speech production, where adults are faster to name a word if it is composed of a common sound sequence rather than a rare sound sequence (Levelt Wheeldon, 1994). Interactions Between Lexical and Phonological Representations Turning to the interaction between lexical and phonological representations, it is important to note that there are facilitory connections between lexical and phonological representations. That is, /sIt/ has facilitory connections to /s/, /I/, and /t/, whereas /Diz/ is connected to /D/, /i/, and /z/. The lexical representations of the neighbors of /sIt/ and /Diz/ also have connections to phonological representations, but not all of these connections are shown in Figures 1 and 2 because it becomes difficult to follow the connections when all are presented together. For example, /sut/ should have facilitory connections to /s/ and /t/, but these are not displayed in Figure 1. The implication of these lexicalphonological connections is that once a lexical representation is activated, it will also activate its corresponding honological representation. Activation can also occur in the opposite direction, with a phonological representation activating corresponding lexical representations. These connections between lexical and phonological representations allow for interactions between lexical and phonological processing. One way that the interaction between lexical and phonol ogical representations has been investigated in the fully developed system of adults is by considering the unique relationship between neighborhood density, a lexical variable, and phonotactic probability, a phonological variable. Namely, words from dense neighborhoods tend to e composed of common sound sequences, and words from sparse neighborhoods tend to be composed of rare sound sequences (Vitevitch, Luce, Pisoni, Auer, 1999). The evidence detailed in the previous sections indicated that dense neighborhoods slow spoken word processing, whereas common sound sequences speed word processing. Given the association between neighborhood density and phonotactic probability, the inhibitory effect of neighborhood density and the facilitory effect of phonotactic probability would seem incompatible. If the two factors are associated, how is it that one aids word recognition and production but the ther interferes with it? If one appeals to the variable of neighborhood density, one would pr edict that processing of a word from a dense neighborhood, such as sit, would be 4In some cases, asymmetries have been noted in the effect of neighborhood density across perception and production. In fact, some models predict that dense neighborhoods should facilitate production (see MacKay, 1987; Vitevitch, 2001a). 5Note that computations of phonotactic probability are based on a 20,000- word dictionary generally consisting of uninflected word forms (see also Jusczyk et al. , 1994; Luce et al. 2000; Storkel, 2001; Storkel Rogers, 2000; Vitevitch Luce, 1998, 1999). Therefore, /z/ is considered to occur infrequently in uninflected word forms, although it may occur often as a plural morpheme. The status of lexical representations of inflected words is an open question. Storkel †¢ Morrisette: The Lexicon and Phonology 29 inhibited relative to a word from a sparse neighborhood, such as these. In contrast, if one appeals to the variable of phonotactic probability, one would predic t that processing of a word having a common sound sequence, such as sit, would be facilitated relative to a word having a rare sound equence, such as these. How can processing of sit be both inhibited and facilitated? This paradox may be resolved by appealing to the tworepresentation model. If one type of representation is able to dominate word processing in a given context, this will dictate whether an inhibitory or facilitory effect is observed. The lexical status of the stimulus is predicted to influence the effect of neighborhood density and phonotactic probability on processing. In particular, lexical processing is predicted to dominate language tasks involving real words because real words have a lexical representation. In contrast, phonological processing is predicted to dominate language tasks involving nonwords because nonwords have no lexical representation. This prediction is borne out by evidence from studies of spoken word processing by adults. In fact, recognition of real words from dense neighborhoods is inhibited relative to real words from sparse neighborhoods, supporting the dominance of lexical processing (Vitevitch Luce, 1998, 1999). In complement, recognition of nonwords composed of common sound sequences is facilitated relative to nonwords composed of rare sound sequences, supporting the dominance f phonological processing (Vitevitch Luce, 1998, 1999). Because spoken word processing typically involves real words, lexical processing generally should dominate recognition and production (but see Vitevitch, 2001b). APPLICATION TO DEVELOPMENT The two-representation model seems to capture lexical and phonological influences on perception and production successfully in the fully developed system of adults. Can this model be applied to perception and production in the developing system of infants and children? To address this question, evidence of how the lexicon influences spoken word processing in infants and children is reviewed and ompared to the findings from adults. If the findings from the developing system parallel those from the fully developed system, then the two-representation model may easily be extended to the developing system. In contrast, if word processing in the developing system differs from word processing in the fully developed system, then the tworepresentation model may require modification before application to the developing system. This question is important because it bears on the issue of whether the tworepresentation model may offer insights into learning and clinical practice. Studies of the developing language system provide urther insight into the role of word frequency and neighborhood density in spoken word processing. Perception st udies with infants have investigated aspects of the spoken input that infants attend to while building the mental lexicon (see Jusczyk, 1997 for review). In one representative study of word frequency, infants were exposed to sets of words that were frequently repeated in stories versus other sets of words that were infrequently repeated (Hohne, Jusczyk, Rendanz, 1994; Jusczyk Aslin, 1995). Results indicated that infants preferred listening to the frequently occurring words in the story. This finding suggests that nfants have the ability to attend to specific words in the input. Moreover, the infants in the study were able to differentiate words based on their frequency of occurrence. Word frequency has also been shown to influence young children’s production accuracy of target sounds. Leonard and Ritterman (1971) found that 7-year-old children had better production accuracy of target /s/ sounds in frequent versus infrequent words in the language (but see Moore, Burke, Adam s, 1976). Computational studies of young children have further explored the structure of words in the early lexicon relative to neighborhood density. These studies used receptive and expressive estimates of young children’s lexicons. One important finding was that young children have relatively sparse neighborhoods in comparison to older children and adults (Charles-Luce Luce, 1990, 1995; Logan, 1992). That is, a word in a young child’s lexicon would have fewer neighbors than that same word in an older child’s or an adult’s lexicon. Neighborhood density may increase across the lifespan as more phonetically similar words are added to the lexicon (Logan, 1992). This finding led to the hypothesis that young children se global recognition strategies to identify words (Charles- Luce Luce, 1990, 1995). Because neighborhoods are so sparse, all of the fine-grained phonetic contrasts of language may not be necessary to uniquely disambiguate one word from another. Alternatively, it has been argued that children do rely on fine-grained recognition strategies (Dollaghan, 1994). The basis for this comes from the f act that young children do differentiate between minimally and phonetically similar words of the input. Even a word that has only one neighbor must still require fine-grained coding on the part of the child for accurate recognition. Although these views about whether children use global or finegrained recognition strategies remain at odds, it is clear that the structure of words in the lexicon appears to be critically linked to the nature of a child’s phonological representations. Taken together, these findings support that a word’s frequency and its neighborhood density play a similar role in fully developed and developing lexicons. In the developing language system, sensitivity to phonotactic probability emerges early, with phonotactic probability influencing perception in a manner similar to adults. In perceptual tasks, 9-month-old infants listen longer to lists of words composed of common sound sequences than to those composed of rare sound sequences (Jusczyk et al. , 1994). Moreover, infants appear to acquire phonotactic probability rapidly in controlled listening conditions (Aslin, Saffran, Newport, 1998; Saffran, Aslin, Newport, 1996). After listening to strings of nonsense syllables for a short period of time, 8-month-old infants are able to discriminate syllable sequences that commonly co-occur from those that rarely co-occur. That is, syllables that commonly co-occurred in the speech 0 LANGUAGE, SPEECH, AND HEARING SERVICES IN SCHOOLS †¢ Vol. 33 †¢ 24–37 †¢ January 2002 sample were treated as a whole word; syllables that rarely co-occurred were not treated as a whole word. The evidence indicates that infants may learn the likelihood of occurrence of sound sequences in the ambient language, and then they use this to parse continuous speech into indi vidual words. Sensitivity to phonotactic probability continues into childhood, as shown in metalinguistic, perceptual, and production tasks. In metalinguistic tasks, children and adolescents are able to differentiate sound sequences that re legal in their language from those that are illegal (Messer, 1967; Pertz Bever, 1975). Children, like adults, seem to have intuitions about phonotactics (e. g. , Vitevitch et al. , 1997). Perceptual and production studies provide evidence that children are also sensitive to the more finegrained distinction of common versus rare sound sequences. Relative to perceptual evidence, children rapidly extract the phonotactic probabilities of continuous strings of nonsense syllables. Like infants, children treat strings of syllables that commonly co-occur as an entire word and strings of yllables that rarely co-occur as a part of a word (Saffran, Newport, Aslin, Tunick, Barrueco, 1997). In production, children are more accurate at producing sound sequen ces that are permissible in the ambient language than those that are not (Messer, 1967). Moreover, children are more accurate at repeating common rather than rare sound sequences (Beckman Edwards, 1999). Likewise, when given a list of nonwords to remember, children recall more nonwords if the list contains common sound sequences than if it contains rare sound sequences (Gathercole, Frankish, Pickering, Peaker, 1999). In childhood, sensitivity to phonotactic probability remains and appears to influence spoken word processing in a manner that parallels the fully developed adult system. The effects of word frequency, neighborhood density, and phonotactic probability on language perception and production in the developing system parallel those in the fully developed system. In terms of lexical variables, across the lifespan, processing of frequent words was facilitated relative to infrequent words, and processing of words from dense neighborhoods was inhibited relative to words from sparse neighborhoods. In terms of phonological variables, cross the lifespan, common sound sequences were recognized and produced more rapidly than were rare sound sequences. Given the similarity between the adult and child findings, it appears that the two-representation model can be applied to perception and production by children. APPLICATION TO LEARNING Because the two-representation model captures perception and prod uction by children, it may also provide insights into learning by children. In the following two sections, insights of the two-representation model for sound change and word learning will be offered and evaluated relative to current findings. The studies reviewed focus on interactions between the lexicon and phonology in preschool and school-age children who have lexicons with many more than 50 words. These investigations provide evidence of whether lexical-phonological interactions continue in development beyond the 50-word stage. Promoting Sound Change When a sound is unknown, the child presumably will have no ambient, or adult-like, phonological representation for the target sound. In some cases, treatment may be needed to promote sound change. The goal of treatment then is to create an ambient phonological representation for the nknown sound, often by presenting the target sound in words and providing feedback regarding production accuracy. Given the absence of an ambient phonological representation, lexical processing is predicted to dominate sound learning in this treatment context. Thus, lexical representations may influence the success of phonological treatment. In particular, treatment of the sound in frequent wo rds should promote sound change relative to infrequent words. Furthermore, embedding the sound in words from dense neighborhoods should inhibit learning when compared to treatment of the sound in words from sparse neighborhoods. An experimental treatment study by Gierut, Morrisette, and Champion (1999) examined the role of lexical variables in phonological treatment (see also Morrisette Gierut, in press). Twelve children with functional phonological delays, aged 3;0 (years;months) to 7;4, participated in an alternating treatments design to promote sound change. The characteristics of word frequency and neighborhood density were manipulated experimentally. Experimental conditions included treatment of all possible combinations of frequent/ infrequent words from dense/sparse neighborhoods. Each child was taught two sounds affiliated with the lexical haracteristics of the assigned conditions. For example, a child assigned to the frequent versus infrequent condition was taught one sound in frequent words and another sound in infrequent words. Treated sounds were excluded from the pretreatment inventory and were produced with 0% accuracy. Generalization accuracy in production of the treated sounds to untreated w ords and contexts was measured as the dependent variable and submitted to statistical analysis. Treatment conditions and corresponding results are shown in Table 1. Results revealed that for the lexical characteristic of ord frequency, phonological treatment using frequent words induced significantly greater generalization learning than did treatment of infrequent words. For neighborhood density, treatment in words from sparse neighborhoods induced significantly greater generalization learning than did treatment in words from dense neighborhoods. When the frequency conditions were compared to the density conditions, treatment in both frequent and infrequent words resulted in significantly greater generalization learning than did treatment in words from dense neighborhoods. Further, treatment in frequent and infrequent words resulted in reater or equivalent generalization learning than treatment of words from sparse neighborhoods. Overall, the characteristic of word frequency was mos t salient in inducing phonological change as compared to neighborhood density. Moreover, in every comparative Storkel †¢ Morrisette: The Lexicon and Phonology 31 condition, frequent words consistently facilitated sound change, whereas words from dense neighborhoods consistently failed to promote generalization learning. These results were replicated by Morrisette and Gierut (in press) and are consistent with the predictions of the two-representation model. Frequent words in the language consistently emerged as facilitating spoken word processing and learning, whereas words from dense neighborhoods in the language consistently emerged as inhibiting spoken word processing and learning. Moreover, phonological learning by preschool children was influenced by the lexicon, paralleling previous findings from much younger children. Novel Word Learning Applying the two-representation model to novel word learning, a child presumably will have no corresponding lexical representation for a newly encountered word. In the absence of a lexical representation, the two-representation odel predicts that phonological processing will be most influential. Thus, phonological processing is hypothesized to influence the creation of a lexical representation for the novel word. Because phonological processing is facilitated for common over rare sound sequences, children should learn novel words composed of common sound sequences more rapidly than they should th ose composed of rare sound sequences. Storkel and Rogers (2000) provided a direct test of this hypothesis that phonotactic probability should influence word learning. Typically developing school-age children from three age groups, age 7, 10, and 11, participated in a onword learning task, where half of the nonwords were composed of common sound sequences and half were composed of rare sound sequences. The target nonwords were associated with unfamiliar objects. Children were exposed to the nonword-object pairs in a lecture format, and referent identification was tested immediately following exposure. The results showed a significant interaction between phonotactic probability and age. The two older groups of children learned more common than rare sound sequences; the youngest group of children showed no difference in learning common versus rare sound sequences. This interaction between phonotactic probability and age was not predicted and was further investigated in a second study (Storkel, 2001). In Storkel (2001), word learning by preschool children was investigated in a multi-trial word learning paradigm. In particular, nonword learning was assessed in several tasks emphasizing either form or referent learning at multiple points in time. Preschool children were exposed to nonwords: Half were composed of common sound sequences and half were composed of rare sound sequences. The nonwords served as names for nonsense objects. The nonword-object pairs were mbedded in a story containing multiple story episodes with learning being assessed after each episode. Results showed that across measures of learning and exposures, preschool children learned more nonwords composed of common rather than rare sound sequences. Across the two studies, younger and older children seemed to learn novel words composed of common sound sequences more rapidly than they did those composed of rare sound sequences, supporting the predictions of the two-representation model. As in language perception and production tasks that are dominated by phonological processing, word learning was facilitated for common ound sequences relative to rare. Phonological characteristics appeared to play a role in word learning by preschool and school-age children, complementing previous findings with younger children. Phonology appeared to influence lexical development beyond the 50-word stage. Moreover, various aspects of phonology seem to impact development of the lexicon, including the child’s phonetic inventory and the phonotactic probability of the novel word (Leonard et al. , 1981; Schwartz Leonard, 1982; Storkel, 2001; Storkel Rogers, 2000). CLINICAL IMPLICATIONS The finding of a continued interaction between the exicon and phonology in children who have surpassed the 50-word threshold has clinical implications for children with functional phonologi cal delays and children with specific language impairment. Children with functional phonological delays reportedly have a primary delay in the acquisition of phonology. Given the evidence documenting an interaction between the lexicon and phonology, lexical characteristics may play a role in promoting sound change. In contrast, children with specific language impairment appear to exhibit delays in lexical acquisition (e. g. , Dollaghan, 1987; Oetting, Rice, Swank, 1995; Rice, Buhr, Nemeth, 1990; Rice Woodsmall, 1988). Phonological variables may provide insights in the diagnosis and treatment of delays in word learning. Children With Functional Phonological Delays The results of Gierut and colleagues (1999) indicate that lexical variables of target words do appear to influence the Table 1. Experimental results of the Gierut et al. (1999) study. Treatment condition Generalization results Frequent versus infrequent Frequent infrequent Dense versus sparse Sparse dense Frequent versus dense Frequent dense Infrequent versus dense Infrequent dense Frequent versus sparse Frequent = sparse Infrequent versus sparse Infrequent sparse Note. The symbol â€Å"† indicates â€Å"greater than† (e. g. , treatment of sounds in frequent words resulted in significantly greater generalization learning than infrequent words). The symbol â€Å"? † indicates â€Å"greater than or equivalent† (e. g. , treatment of sounds in infrequent words resulted in greater or equivalent generalization learning than sparse words). The symbol â€Å"=† indicates â€Å"equivalent† (e. g. , treatment of sounds in frequent words resulted in generalization learning that was equivalent to sparse words). 2 LANGUAGE, SPEECH, AND HEARING SERVICES IN SCHOOLS †¢ Vol. 33 †¢ 24–37 †¢ January 2002 process of sound change in treatment for children with functional phonological delays. When children were taught sounds in frequently occurring words, they made significant gains in their production accuracy of the t arget sound. In contrast, when children were taught sounds in words from dense neighborhoods, they failed to learn the treated sound. This suggests that phonological treatment should focus on frequent words in the language and avoid the use of words from dense neighborhoods. These results have direct linical implications for the kinds of words that should be selected for phonological treatment. A sample of treatment words is presented in Table 2. These words were adapted from the Morrisette and Gierut (in press) study and are consistent with procedures for the selection of treatment words in the Gierut et al. (1999) study. In this sample, the target fricative /f/ was taught in the word-initial position of frequent words in the language. Word frequency counts were obtained from KucUera and Francis (1967); neighborhood density values came from a computational database of 20,000 English words (Nusbaum et al. 1984). Frequency counts and density values are more generally available for cl inical use through the online Neighborhood Database at http://www. artsci. wustl. edu/ ~msommers. Operational definitions for frequent versus infrequent and dense versus sparse neighborhoods were consistent with previous investigations of word frequency in phonological acquisition (e. g. , Morrisette, 1999). Frequent words were selected based on a word frequency count greater than 100. Thus, all of the words in Table 2 have a word frequency greater than 100. Further, because a word has both a frequency and a density, the words were alanced for neighborhood density. Half of the words came from dense neighborhoods, with 10 or more neighbors, and half of the words came from sparse neighborhoods, with fewer than 10 neighbors. Following from the Gierut et al. (1999) and Morrisette and Gierut (in press) studies, treated words were pictured on a computer screen and elicited through drill activities. Children attended three 1-hour treatment sessions each week and proceeded through two phase s of treatment— imitation and spontaneous production. During the imitation phase, the child named the treated words following a clinician’s model. Imitation continued until the child achieved 75% production accuracy of the target sound across two consecutive sessions or until seven sessions were completed, whichever came first. During the spontaneous phase, the child named the treated words without a model. This phase continued until the child achieved 90% production accuracy of the target sound across three consecutive sessions or until twelve sessions were completed, whichever came first. Feedback related to the accuracy of the child’s production of the target sound was provided during both phases. Generalization learning for each child was monitored hrough spontaneous picture-naming tasks or probes. These probes were designed to sample the treated sound and other untreated sounds that were excluded from the child’s pretreatment sound inventory in untreated words and across contexts. Probes were administered throughout treatment, immediately following treatment, and at 2 weeks and 2 months posttreatment. Percent ages of accuracy were then calculated and plotted as generalization learning curves. Thus, based on results from Gierut et al. (1999), it is predicted that phonological treatment using the frequent words illustrated in Table 2 would result in generalization f /f/ to untreated words and contexts. It should be noted that although half of the frequent words selected were from dense neighborhoods, the consistent variable was word frequency. Treatment programs consisting of words that are all from dense neighborhoods should be avoided. Based on the Gierut et al. (1999) study, treatment in words from dense neighborhoods resulted in minimal or no learning of the treated sound. Children With Specific Language Impairment The results of Storkel (2001) suggest that the phonological characteristics of novel words influence lexical acquisition. Thus, clinically, it may be important to consider honotactic probability in the diagnosis and treatment of delays in lexical acquisition in children with specific language impairment. These children may have difficulty learning phonotactic probability due to either perceptual processing deficits (Ellis Weismer Hesketh, 1996, 1998) or limited lexical exemplars resulting from delays in language acquisition. Children with specific language impairment may fail to show a learning advantage for common over rare sound sequences. In support of this hypothesis, Storkel reported that increased vocabulary size was correlated with an increased learning advantage for ommon over rare sound sequences in children with ageappropriate lexical development. Delays in word learning and a decreased effect of phonotactic probability may go hand in hand. As a result, it may be necessary to examine the influence of phonotactic probability on word learning in this population. Unfortunately, standardized measures of vocabulary may not be sensitive to the factors that affect word learning because these tests examine the products of learning rather than the pr ocess itself. Therefore, clinicians may need to construct tasks that investigate the process of word learning to provide further insights into the factors hat contribute to a particular child’s poor word learning ability. Here, guidance is provided by past experimental Table 2. Sample of frequent treatment words. Word Word frequency Neighborhood density fine 161 28 full 230 15 feed 123 19 far 427 18 family 331 0 field 274 9 final 156 6 forward 115 0 Note. Neighborhood density counts in bold indicate words from dense neighborhoods. Storkel †¢ Morrisette: The Lexicon and Phonology 33 studies that have employed procedures that may be adapted for clinical use. In particular, the procedures used in Storkel (2001) may be appropriate. This multi-trial word earning paradigm was administered individually in one 30- minute session with a follow-up 10-minute session to examine retention. Thus, the time commitment is similar to other standardized test protocols. Moreover, Storkel an d Rogers (2000) successfully administered their word learning task to groups of students in a classroom. There are several important steps in constructing a measure of word learning: (a) identifying the stimuli to be learned, (b) exposing the child to the stimuli, and (c) measuring learning. Each step will be described in turn. Stimuli. Identification of the stimuli to be learned nvolves choosing nonwords or unknown real words and associating these with referents. In Storkel (2001), nonwords were selected as stimuli so that the phonological characteristics could be controlled. Specifically, all nonwords were composed of early acquired consonants that were articulated correctly by the participating children. This guarded against the influence of misarticulation on word learning (Leonard et al. , 1981; Schwartz Leonard, 1982). Half of the nonwords were composed of common sound sequences and half were composed of rare sound sequences. Calculation of phonotactic probability is complex and equires access to a database; however, several published studies provide lists of common versus rare nonwords (e. g. , Jusczyk et al. , 1994; Storkel, 2001; Storkel Rogers, 2000; Vitevitch Luce, 1999) or words (e. g. , Vitevitch Luce, 1999). The nonwords used in Storkel are shown in Table 3. The nonwords were paired with object referents to parallel real words. Novel objects were invented or adapted from published children’s stories. Objects were selected in pairs from the same semantic category. Each object from a semantic pair was associated with either a common or a rare sound sequence. In this way, semantic and conceptual factors were similar across the levels of phonotactic probability. A description of the objects is provided in Table 3. Exposure. For exposure, the nonword-object pairs were embedded in a story containing three story episodes. Pictures were adapted from children’s stories (Mayer, 1993) to show two main characters interacting with one another and with the nonsense objects. Semantically paired objects were shown in the same picture, with each being associated with a different main character. A story narrative was created to accompany the story pictures. The narrative is shown in the Appendix. Note that the exposure sentences were matched across common and rare sound sequences. For example, in the first episode, the exposure sentence for the common sound sequence /pin/ is â€Å"My favorite is the pin† and for the rare sound sequence /mOId/ is â€Å"My favorite is the mOId. † This matching of sentences was intended to equate syntactic factors across the levels of phonotactic probability. Another feature of the story narrative was that the number of times the nonwords were repeated varied across the episodes. That is, the children heard each nonword one time in Episode 1, but three times in Episodes 2 and 3. Given that children with specific language impairment reportedly need more exposures to learn novel words, it may be necessary to increase the number of repetitions of the nonwords for this clinical population. This could be accomplished by revising the story narrative or by having the child listen to the narrative twice. Measurement. Storkel (2001) measured learning after each story episode. Three measures of learning were obtained: referent identification, form identification, and picture naming. In the referent identification task, a nonword was presented and the child attempted to select he object from a field of three picture choices that included the target, the semantically related referent, and a semantically unrelated referent presented in the story. For the target nonword /pin/, the child saw pictures of both candy machines and a picture of one of the pets. In the form identification task, an object was presented and the child attempted to select the nonword from a field of three Table 3. The phonetic transcription of the common and rare sound sequences and their corresponding referents as invented or adapted from published children’s stories. Form characteristics Referent characteristics Common Rare Category Item 1 Item 2 w I t n aU b Toys punch toy cork gun (Geisel Geisel, (Geisel Geisel, 1958, p. 53) 1958, p. 45) h ? p g i m Horns orange trumpet yellow hand-held downward orientation tuba (Geisel Geisel, (Geisel Geisel, 1954, p. 50) 1954, p. 50) p i n m OI d Candy machines red candy + 1 chute blue candy + 2 chutes (invented) (invented) k oU f j eI p Pets green gerbil with antenna purple mouse-bat (DeBrunhoff, 1981, p. 132) (Mayer, 1992, p. 43) 34 LANGUAGE, SPEECH, AND HEARING SERVICES IN SCHOOLS †¢ Vol. 33 †¢ 24–37 †¢ January 2002 choices. The choices paralleled those of the referent dentification task. For example, the child was shown a picture of one of the candy machines and heard three possible names, /pin/, /mOId/, and /koUf/. As each nonword was played, the investigator pointed to one of three squares. The child then pointed to the square associated with his or her answer. In the picture-naming task, an object was presented and the ch ild attempted to produce the nonword. Again, the child might see a picture of one of the candy machines, but this time be asked to produce the nonword associated with the object with no choices or prompting provided by the investigator. Following administration of these procedures, proportion correct can then be computed for common versus rare sound sequences at each test point (Episode 1, Episode 2, Episode 3) for each measure of learning (referent identification, form identification, picture naming). Difference scores can then be computed by subtracting proportion correct for rare sound sequences from proportion correct for common sound sequences. If there is an advantage of common over rare sound sequences, the resulting number will be positive. This would parallel the findings for typically developing children (Storkel, 2001; Storkel Rogers, 2000). If there is no difference between common and rare sound sequences, then the resulting number will be zero. If there is a disadvantage of common relative to rare sound sequences, the resulting number will be negative. In either of these last two cases, the result would differ from those reported for typically developing children. This would suggest that one contributing factor to the child’s difficulties with word learning may be difficulty using phonological information to support word learning. CONCLUSION The findings reviewed support the hypothesis that the lexicon and phonology seem to continue to influence one nother even after the 50-word threshold has been surpassed. In particular, the relationship in preschool and school-age children appeared to be bidirectional in nature, with the lexicon influencing phonological acquisition and phonology influencing lexical acquisition. The tworepresentation model of word processing held promise in capturing this relationship. Thus, m odels of spoken word processing may hold potential for understanding the process of language acquisition. From a clinical perspective, this theoretical model may guide the diagnosis and treatment of phonological or lexical delays in children. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This research was supported in part by grants from the National Institutes of Health to Indiana University, Bloomington (DC01694; DC00012; DC04781). We appreciate the insightful comments and discussion provided by Judith A. Gierut, Jessica A. Barlow, and an anonymous reviewer on previous versions of this manuscript. REFERENCES Aslin, R. N. , Saffran, J. R. , Newport, E. L. (1998). Computation of conditional probability statistics by 8-month-old infants. Psychological Science, 9, 321–324. Beckman, M. E. , Edwards, J. (1999). Lexical frequency effects on young children’s imitative productions. In M. B. Broe J. B. Pierrehumbert (Eds. ), Papers in laboratory phonology V (pp. 208–218). Cambridge, MA: Cambridge University Press. Behrend, D. A. (1990). The development of verb concepts: Children’s use of verbs to label familiar and novel events. Child Development, 61, 681–696. Bloom, L. (1973). One word at a time: The use of single word utterances before syntax. The Hague: Mouton. Brown, G. D. (1984). A frequency count of 190,000 words in the London-Lund corpus of English conversation. Behavior Research Methods, Instruments and Computers, 16, 502–532. Carey, S. , Bartlett, E. (1978). Acquiring a single new word. Papers and Reports on Child Language Development, 15, 17–29. Charles-Luce, J. , Luce, P. A. (1990). Similarity neighbourhoods of words in young children’s lexicons. Journal of Child Language, 17, 205–215. Charles-Luce, J. , Luce, P. A. (1995). An examination of similarity neighbourhoods in young children’s receptive vocabularies. Journal of Child Language, 22, 727–735. DeBrunhoff, L. (1981). Babar’s anniversary album. New York: Random House. Dell, G. S. (1990). Effects of frequency and vocabulary type on phonological speech errors. Language and Cognitive Processes, 5, 313–349. Dell, G. S. , Reich, P. A. (1981). Stages in sentence production: An analysis of speech error data. Journal of Verbal Learning and Verbal Behavior, 20, 611–629. Dinnsen, D. A. , Chin, S. B. , Elbert, M. , Powell, T. W. (1990). Some constraints on functionally disordered phonologies: Phonetic inventories and phonotactics. Journal of Speech and Hearing Research, 33, 28–37. Dollaghan, C. A. (1985). Child meets word: â€Å"Fast mapping† in preschool children. Journal of Speech and Hearing Research, 28, 449–454. Dollaghan, C. A. (1987). Fast mapping in normal and languageimpaired children. Journal of Speech and Hearing Disorders, 52, 218–222. Dollaghan, C. A. (1994). Children’s phonological neighbourhoods: Half empty or half full? Journal of Child Language, 21, 257–272. Dore, J. (1978). Conditions for the acquisition of speech acts. In I. Markova (Ed. ), The social context of language (pp. 87–111). New York: Wiley. Dyson, A. T. (1988). Phonetic inventories of 2- and 3-year-old children. Journal of Speech and Hearing Disorders, 53, 89–93. Ellis Weismer, S. , Hesketh, L. J. (1996). Lexical learning by children with specific language impairment: Effects of linguistic input presented at varying speaking rates. Journal of Speech and Hearing Research, 39, 177–190. Ellis Weismer, S. , Hesketh, L. J. (1998). The impact of emphatic stress on novel word learning by children with specific language impairment. Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research, 41, 1444–1458. Storkel †¢ Morrisette: The Lexicon and Phonology 35 Ferguson, C. A. , Farwell, C. B. (1975). Words and sounds in early language acquisition. Language, 51, 419–439. Gathercole, S. E. , Frankish, C. R. , Pickering, S. J. , Peaker, S. (1999). Phonotactic influences on short-term memory. Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition, 25, 84–95. Gierut, J. A. , Morrisette How to cite Compare and Contrast Between Egypt and China, Papers

Molecular Weight of Volatile Liquid Using Dumas Method free essay sample

We have to stir the water in beaker to get the perfect temperature. * The rubber band which is used to tight the flask may release more vapour because the rubber band is not properly tight. The Dumas method is the method used to calculate the molecular weight of the substance. * This method has a condition that the substance used must be a liquid. The liquid that has boiling point above room temperature and below the boiling point of water. * After completing the experiment, we came to know that temperature and pressure effect the final result. The flask is completely filled with vapour only when it is removed from the hot water bath. However, when the flask cools some of the vapour condenses in the flask. As a result of this the final reading of the weight increases and affects the result. * The given sample (2–propanol) has molecular weight 60. 08 gm/mole and our result shows 56. We will write a custom essay sample on Molecular Weight of Volatile Liquid Using Dumas Method or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page 43 gm/mole. So the percentage error is 6. 078%. * This is due to the effect of temperature. If we might had increase the temperature, them the result would be much closer than actual molecular weight of the 2-propanol. The measuring cylinder that has been used to measure the volume that might have some drop in the measuring cylinder. This result in increase in the volume and affect the final result. * The unknown sample given has molecular weight been found to be 76. 6026 gm/mole * The range of the molecular weight of the unknown sample was found to be 76. 53 gm/mole to 82. 68 gm/mole CONCLUSION: * The molecular weight of give sample (2-propanol) was found to be 56. 4286 gm/mole * The actual molecular weight of give sample (2-propanol) is 60. 08 gm/mole * The percentage error of give sample (2-propanol) was found to be 6. 78%. * The molecular weight of unknown sample was found to be 76. 6026 gm/mole Answer: The flask is immersing in the boiling water bath but the temperature at upper part of the flask is lower than the bottom part. So, when the vapour is form in the beaker than it gets condensed in the same beaker. These errors develop variation in the weight of the flask. To minimise this error subtract and add the percentage error of the known sample to the molecular weight of the unknown sample. This will be the range of the molecular weight of unknown sample.